偷天换日

足球报：玉昆三连客获得2分，俱乐部开通昆明玉溪往返球迷专线_我的网站

火柴人

一 |

直播吧4月21日讯《足球》报撰文谈到云南玉昆表现，文章认为，玉昆战平亚泰不仅磨炼了更多球员，也收获了更多自信。

本轮对亚泰是玉昆9天内的连续第三个客场赛事，之前他们先是1-3送给了三镇赛季第一个3分，接着又从蓉城身上抢得一场宝贵的平局，侯永永的绝平球不仅是有无积分进账的区别，更重要的是这样的进球鼓舞人心，彰显了球队不屈的斗志。 (ECNS)-- China's newly implemented Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law has elicited a predictable response from certain Western media outlets. Whenever ethnic unity is referenced, some Western critics rush to frame it as "assimilation" or a push for uniform national identity. Fan Yichou, associate professor at the Law School of Minzu University of China, argues that such misinterpretations arise primarily from projecting Western historical nation-state building trajectories onto China's ethnic policies. Put simply, some Western observers do not view China from the perspective of its domestic social realities, but rather judge it through the lens of their own historical experience. Fan argued that the traditional Western nation-state model rests on a core premise: one ethnic community ought to align with one sovereign state, with political boundaries largely overlapping ethnic territories. To build culturally homogeneous nation-states, most Western powers historically sought to eradicate internal ethnic diversity through assimilation, exclusion, and other coercive measures. Such nation-building drives were often accompanied by territorial conquest, mass population displacement, and systemic violence. He drew on arguments laid out by Canadian political philosopher Will Kymlicka, who observes that the classical European template of nation-building rested on an implicit consensus: states should strive to become culturally homogeneous, by either assimilating national minorities or expelling them. For centuries, this ideal of a mono-national state shaped state policy across almost all Western European countries, with Switzerland stands out as the only major exception. This deep-rooted historical trajectory continues to frame contemporary discourse on ethnic governance. A stark modern illustration emerged in 2025, when Danish local authorities took away the newly-born daughter of an 18-year-old Inuit mother from Greenland just one hour after birth following a controversial parenting competency assessment. Her case was far from isolated. According to reports by the BBC and other media outlets, another Greenlandic mother had all three of her children under state custody. She was first subjected to a so-called parenting competency test after social services raised concerns about the language development of her eldest daughter. Although the Danish government has decided to stop using such tests on Greenlandic families, local authorities have yet to halt the practice. The enduring harm of assimilationist policies extends far beyond this Danish case. UNESCO’s Memory of the World archives document that Canada's Indigenous residential school system continuously operated for nearly 150 years, with the explicit state objective of assimilating Indigenous children into settler society. Generations of Indigenous children were forcibly separated from their families, severed from their ancestral languages, cultural traditions, and intergenerational knowledge systems. The United States has grappled with comparable challenges. According to a 2025 Associated Press report, Native American children in California are roughly about four times more likely to enter the foster-care system than their peers. Newborns separated from their mother shortly after birth. Generations of children torn apart from their families and ancestral languages. Indigenous youth who remain vastly overrepresented in foster-care placements to this day. All these are legacies of the West's long-standing obsession with assimilation. That explains why, when some in the West hear China speak of "ethnic unity," they instinctively equate it with "assimilation." In reality, they are projecting their own social trauma onto China. China's context, however, is fundamentally different. As Fan Yichou notes, China has long been a unified multi-ethnic country. Within the Chinese tradition, political unity has not demanded cultural uniformity. Instead, unity and diversity have coexisted across most of the nation's history. This outlook finds theoretical expression in the concept of plurality-in-unity put forward by renowned Chinese sociologist Fei Xiaotong. In his framework, China's 56 ethnic groups represent the plurality, whereas the Chinese nation embodies unity. From this perspective, the Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law is not designed to eliminate ethnic differences. Instead, it seeks to strengthen a shared sense of belonging while respecting cultural diversity. This distinction highlights a broader divergence between China and the West in approaching identity and social cohesion. In many Western societies, historical assimilation sought to diminish group differences and compel minority groups to conform to dominant-culture norms. By contrast, China's emphasis on forging a strong sense of community for the Chinese nation is not intended to obliterate diversity. It seeks to build shared civic and national identity, while enabling all ethnic groups to sustain their own languages, customs, and cultural traditions. Ethnic groups may speak different languages, practice different customs, and vary in development level. Yet they can still uphold shared dedication to national progress and a common sense of belonging within a unified multi-ethnic state. Genuine ethnic unity does not require everyone to fit into the same mold. It means ensuring that different ethnic groups can participate in national development while maintaining their own cultural characteristics and thriving with equal dignity and equitable opportunities. So when some in the West equate China's "ethnic unity" with "assimilation," their judgment stems not from an accurate assessment of China’s reality, but from a subconscious projection of their own historical burdens, contemporary social anxieties, and deep-rooted institutional scars onto China's ethnic policies. They are either unwilling or unable to fully comprehend China's governance philosophy and practices, yet arbitrarily pass arrogant judgment on the country. The outcome of this biased approach will be no exception of absurd narratives that fundamentally contradict objective reality. 。

本轮比赛是玉昆升入中超后空间距离最远、在外漂泊时间最久的一次远征，也是他们首次在白天时段比赛。

二 | 赛前，安德森再次肯定了成都之行首次从强队身上取分的意义，希望球队继续保持拼搏精神，努力争取“从客场拿到更多的分数”。

经过90分钟较量，双方最终互交白卷。安德森赛后肯定了球队的整体表现和执行力，尤其是球队依靠压迫创造出来的一些机会，“如果把握好了，是可以拿下比赛的。”这场平局不仅磨炼了更多球员，也收获了更多自信。

结束三连客获得2分，玉昆的这次远征有所收获，本周五他们将在玉溪迎来与海港的硬仗。届时，云南球迷不仅可以看到中超卫冕冠军登门献艺，从昆明出发的球迷还有机会体验更便捷、更廉价的专属出行服务。俱乐部与云南交运集团联合开通的“滴滴站点巴士-玉昆球迷专线”，将在余下的每个主场比赛日定时运营。

据悉，玉溪主场接近四成观众来自昆明，除了自驾，选择高铁出行的也不在少数，从昆明站出发，票价38元用时约一小时，到达玉溪站再转乘免费球迷巴士，用时50分钟。最新开通的昆明—玉溪往返球迷专线在昆明市区和呈贡高校区各设三个上车点，优惠票价23元，一个半小时车程便可直达玉昆主场。比赛当晚，还可以散场后就近上车返程。